Arab Revolutions and Beyond: The Middle East and by Sabah Alnasseri

By Sabah Alnasseri

This edited quantity brings jointly international views on twenty-first century Arab revolutions to theoretically and methodologically hyperlink those modern uprisings to resistance and protest activities world wide, primarily within the Americas. of their analyses of those differences, the overseas participants interact in an exploration of a number of issues corresponding to social pursuits and cultures of resistance, geopolitical economics, civic advantage, id construction, human rights, and overseas monetary and political impression. what's the old importance of those revolutions? What are the consequences past the center East? and the way are struggles in different areas of the area being motivated by means of those occasions? those heretofore mostly unanswered questions are addressed during this assortment, constructed from shows at a 2013 overseas convention at the “Arab Revolutions and past” at York college, Toronto, Canada.

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1998. The Economics of Global Turbulence. New Left Review I/229(May–June): 1–265. Chomsky, Noam. 2002. Understanding Power: The Essential Chomsky. New York: New Press. ———. 2013. US Control is Diminishing, But It Still Thinks It Owns the World. The Guardian, February 4. com/commentisfree/ 2013/feb/04/us-control-diminishing-own-world Cooper, Andrew Fenton, Richard A. Higgott, and Kim Richard Nossal. 1991. “Bound to Follow? ” Political Science Quarterly 106(3) October, 391–410. Desai, Radhika. 2011.

Though the Republicans lost the 1992 elections, the neoconservatives left behind an important legacy: the 1992 Defense Policy Guidance (DPG). Just when US economic weakness and its newfound dispensability after the end of the Cold War were forcing the USA to fight the Gulf War against Iraq with Saudi financing and a ‘coalition of the willing’ (Cooper et al. 1991), the 1992 DPG aimed to keep the US ‘the predominant outside power’ in the Middle East so as to preserve ‘US and Western access to the region’s oil’ (Mann 2004: 210).

The 1980s coincidence of right-wing governments in Washington and Tel Aviv meant that Israel now pursued an aggressive settlement policy, invaded Lebanon to root out PLO bases there and attempted to set up a client government there, all with US connivance. The intolerable burdens this put on the Palestinians resulted in the first Intifada. The WashingtonTel Aviv nexus was also able to ensure that the Oslo accords between Israel and the PLO that followed would leave ‘final status’ issues such as sovereignty, statehood, and Jerusalem out in return for ‘self-government’ over dozens of scraps of territory divided by Israeli checkpoints that would become increasingly heavily militarized (Khalidi 2005: 134).

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